S1F 


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THE    LIFE    AND    SERVICES 


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.  MAJOR  GENERAL  JOHN  THOMAS. 


THE 


LIFE    AND    SERVICES 


OP 


MAJOR  GENERAL  JOHN  THOMAS. 


<e^ 


COMPILED 

BY   CHARLES   COFFIN, 


COPY  RIGHT  SECURED. 


NEW  - YORK  : 

PRINTED   BY   EGBERT,    HOVEY   &   KING, 

374   Pearl-street. 

(SUCCESSORS  TO  M.  DAY  &  Go's  PRESS.) 

1844. 


PREFACE. 

HAVING  long  been  satisfied,  from  the  general  history  of  the 
Revolution,  that  no  officer  deserved  the  esteem  and  respect  of 
his  country  more  than  GENERAL  THOMAS,  I  have  been  led  to  look 
more  particularly  into  the  grounds  of  the  high  estimation  in  which 
he  was  held  by  Washington,  Congress,  the  Army  and  the  Country ; 
and  am  satisfied  his  fame  was  not  ephemeral,  but  well  founded. 

In  this  inquiry,  valuable  letters  from  generals  WASHINGTON, 
LEE  and  SCHUYLER,  and  JOHN  ADAMS,  never  before  published, 
have  come  to  light ;  and  are  of  such  value,  connected  with  the 
early  movements  of  the  Revolution,  as  to  induce  my  consent  that 
the  whole  should  be  published. 

THE  COMPILER. 
New-York,  July  4,   1844. 


MAJOR  GENERAL  JOHN  THOMAS. 


THE  determination  of  the  mind  to  relinquish  the  soft  scenes  of 
tranquil  life  for  the  rough  adventures  of  war,  is  generally  attended 
with  the  conviction  that  the  act  is  laudable ;  and  with  the  wish, 
that  its  honorable  exertions  should  be  faithfully  transmitted  to 
posterity. 

These  sentiments  lead  to  the  cultivation  of  virtue ;  and  the 
effect  of  the  one  is  magnified  by  the  accomplishment  of  the  other. 
In  usefulness  to  society,  the  degree  is  inconsiderable  between  the 
conduct  of  him  who  performs  great  actions,  and  of  him  who 
records  them  ;  for  short  must  be  the  remembrance,  circumscribed 
the  influence  of  patriotic  exertions  and  heroie  exploits,  unless  the 
patient  historian  retrieves  them  from  oblivion,  and  holds  them  up 
conspicuously  to  future  ages. 

Whenever  the  images  of  the  great  men  of  the  commonwealth 
are  beheld,  the  mind  is  excited  to  virtue.  It  cannot  be  the  wax  or 
the  marble  which  possesses  this  power ;  but  the  recollection  of 
their  great  actions  kindling  a  generous  flame  in  the  breast,  not  to 
be  quelled,  till  by  virtue  equal  fame  and  glory  is  acquired. 
Regretting  as  all  do,  that  the  names,  much  less  the  deeds,  of  some 
of  the  principal  actors  in  our  contest  for  Independence,  are 
scarcely  known  by  their  posterity,  I  have  been  led  to  this  my 
present  undertaking  with  the  hope  of  contributing  in  some  degree 
to  repair  the  effects  of  this  much  lamented  indifference.  With 
this  view,  I  am  about  to  write  the  memoirs  of  the  person  whose 
name  is  at  the  head  of  t)gs  article.  It  is  at  once  discovered,  that 

M183968 


the  task  will  not  be  easy  in  itself,  nor  will  it  be  entirely  satisfactory 
in  the  performance. 

The  causes  which  render  it  difficult  in  this  case,  are,  no  doubt, 
in  some  measure  similar  in  all  like  attempts.  The  companions  of 
General  Thomas,  in  civil,  professional  and  military  life,  have  long 
since  passed  away,  more  than  sixty-eight  years  having  elapsed 
since  his  death.  The  confidential  officers  about  his  person,  at  his 
death,  in  a  foreign  province,  overcome  with  the  event,  and  occu 
pied  with  the  necessary  attention  to  their  official  duties,  in  an 
army  prostrate  with  sickness  of  the  most  malignant  kind,  and  on 
a  retreat  in  an  enemy's  country,  pursued  by  a  well  appointed 
army,  flushed  with  success,  and  commanded  by  a  consummate 
general,  did  not,  and  could  not  have  given  that  attention  to  the  safe 
keeping  of  the  private  papers  of  their  general,  which  would  have 
aided  in  the  performance  of  the  task  imposed.  On  the  part  of  his 
descendants  it  is  admitted  and  regretted,  that  less  care  and  atten 
tion  have  been  given  than  should  have  been,  to  the  preservation  of 
those  family  records  and  traditions,  which  would  have  gone  far  to 
have  made  this  memoir  the  more  complete  and  interesting,  and 
rendered  the  life  and  services  of  their  ancestor  more  conspicuous 
and  useful. 

The  apprehension  which  seems  to  have  influenced  them,  that 
they  might  be  considered  desirous  to  blazon  the  fame  of  their 
ancestor,  was  not  a  sufficient  reason  or  excuse,  for  they  should 
have  considered,  as  they  must  have  known,  that  he  was  an  honored 
and  cherished  son  of  the  republic.  They  should  have  constituted 
themselves  the  guardians  of  his  fame,  as  well  for  themselves,  as  for 
their  country  and  future  ages.  But  what  would  seem  almost 
incredible,  is,  that  not  even  a  newspaper  sketch  has  ever  been 
published  of  the  services  of  General  Thomas,  to  which  reference 
could  be  had.  But  the  facts  within  reach,  and  which  have  come  to 
hand,  are  such  that  they  cannot  mislead.  With  the  materials  which 
remain,  the  undertaking  will  proceed,  with  the  assurance,  that 
biography  shall  not  be  turned  to  eulogy g|or  history  to  romance. 


General  Thomas'  ancestors  were  of  English  descent,  and 
among  the  first  settlers  of  the  town  of  Marshfield,  in  the  County 
and  Colony  of  Plymouth,  where  he  was  born  in  the  year  1724.  It 
is  known  that  his  grandfather  and  father  both  resided  in  this  town  ; 
were  substantial  farmers  and  leading  men  in  the  town  with  the 
Winslows  and  Whites.  After  a  suitable  preliminary  education, 
he  became  a  medical  student  with  Dr.  Cotton  Tufts,  of  Medford, 
in  the  vicinity  of  Boston,  a  distinguished  physician  ;  for  at  that 
time  there  were  no  medical  colleges  in  Massachusetts  or  New 
England. 

On  completing  his  medical  education,  Dr.  Thomas  commenced 
practice  in  his  native  town,  but  in  a  few  years  removed  to  Kings 
ton,  in  the  same  county,  where  he  continued  his  professional  prac 
tice  till  his  death,  except  when  connected  witJuhe  army.  As  a 
physician  he  was  not  only  skilful  but  eminently  successful.  In 
March,  1746,  he  was  commissioned  as  second  surgeon  in  a  body 
of  troops,  raised  to  be  stationed  at  Annapolis  Royal.  In  Febru 
ary,  1755,  he  was  appointed  surgeon's  mate  in  Shirley's  regiment, 
but  soon  left  the  medical  staff,  and  was  appointed  a  lieutenant  in 
the  same  regiment  the  same  year. 

In  the  year  1759,  he  was  appointed  a  colonel,  and  re-appointed 
to  the  same  office  in  1760,  by  Governor  Pownall.  Whether  he 
ever  served  in  any  of  the  intermediate  grades  in  the  army  does 
not  appear  ;  it  is  however  highly  probable  he  did.  It  appears  by 
his*  petition  to  the  Governor  and  Council  of  Massachusetts,  that  he 
commanded  his  regiment  part  of  both  these  years  in  Nova  Scotia. 
In  the  year  1760,  with  his  regiment,  he  joined  the  Anglo-American 
army  at  Crown  Point,  commanded  by  Sir  Jeffry  Amherst,  com- 
mander-in-chief  of  all  the  forces  in  North  America.  After  the 
many  defeats  of  the  British  and  American  arms,  in  the  first  years 
of  the  old  French  war,  under  the  command  of  Braddock,  Shirley, 
Johnson,  Abercromby,  and  Lord  Laudon,  the  energetic  Pitt,  then 
Prime  Minister  of  England,  withdrew  them  all,  and  called  Col. 
Amherst  from  the  army  m  Germany,  and  promoted  him  to  the 


[6] 

command  in  North  America,  with  such  men  as  Wolf,  Monckton, 
and  Townsend  under  him.  Amherst  afterwards  became  comman 
der  of  all  the  armies  of  Great  Britain.  This  year  completed  the 
conquest  of  Canada,  and  in  his  well-arranged  plans  and  move 
ments  against  Montreal,  where  the  whole  force  of  the  French  in 
that  province  were  assembled,  Col.  Thomas  had  an  honorable  and 
important  command.  The  celebrated  Major  Rogers,  who  com 
manded  the  partizan  corps,  called  the  Rangers,  published  a  journal 
of  all  the  campaigns  of  that  war,  which  was  printed  in  London, 
in  1764  ;  the  volume  is  now  rarely  to  be  found  and  should  be  re 
printed.  He  says,  "  I  remained  at  Crown  Point  with  my  people, 
without  effecting  any  thing  considerable,  more  than  small  parties 
reconnoitering  the  country  about  the  fort,  while  every  thing  was 
got  in  readiness  for  embarking  the  army  the  16th  of  August, ( 1760,) 
which  was  done  accordingly,  having  one  brig,  three  sloops,  and 
four  rideaus,  which  latter  were  occupied  by  the  royal  train  of 
artillery,  commanded  by  Lieutenant  Colonel  Ord.  Our  march 
was  as  follows,  viz  :  six  hundred  Rangers  and  seventy  Indians,  in 
whale  boats,  in  front,  commanded  by  Major  Rogers,  as  an  ad 
vanced  guard  for  the  whole  army,  all  in  a  line  abreast,  about  half  a 
mile  ahead  of  the  main  body*  followed  by  the  light  infantry  and 
grenadiers  in  two  columns,  two  boats  abreast  in  each  column, 
commanded  by  Col.  Darby. 

The  right  wing  was  composed  of  Provincials,  commanded  by 
Brigadier  Ruggles,  who  was  second  in  command  of  the  whole 
army.  The  left  was  made  up  of  the  New  Hampshire  and  Boston 
(Massachusetts)  troops,  commanded  by  Col.  Thomas..  The  seven 
teenth  and  twenty-seventh  regiments,  with  some  few  of  the  royals 
that  formed  the  centre  column,  were  commanded  by  Major  Camp 
bell,  of  the  seventeenth  regiment.  Col.  Haviland  was  in  front 
of  these  divisions,  between  that  and  the  light  infantry  and  grena 
diers.  The  royal  artillery  followed  the  columns  and  was  com 
manded  by  Colonel  Ord,  who  had  for  his  escort,  one  Rhode  Island 
regiment  of  Provincials.  The  sutlers,  &c.,  followed  the  artillery. 


m 

In  this  manner  we  rowed  down  the  Lake  (Champlain)  forty  miles 
the  first  day,  putting  ashore  where  there  was  good  landing  on  the 
west  side,  and  there  encamped. 

The  following  day  we  lay  by.  The  18th  the  wind  blowing  at 
south,  orders  were  given  for  embarking,  and  the  same  day  reached 
a  place  on  the  west  shore,  within  ten  miles  of  the  Isle  a  Mot, 
where  the  army  encamped.  It  having  blown  a  fresh  gale  most 
part  of  the  day,  some  of  my  boats  split  open  by  the  force  of  the 
waves,  and  ten  of  my  Rangers  were  thereby  drowned.  The  19th, 
we  set  sail  early  in  the  morning,  and  that  night  encamped  on  the 
north  end  of  the  Isle  a  Mot.  The  20th,  before  day,  the  army  was 
under  way  with  intention  to  land  ;  having  but  twenty  miles  to  go, 
and  having  the  advantage  of  a  fair  wind,  we  soon  came  in  sight  of 
the  French  fort,  and  about  ten  in  the  morning,  Col.  Darby,  with  the 
grenadiers  and  light  infantry,  and  myself  with  the  Rangers, 
landed  on  the  east  shore,  and  marched  and  took  possession  of  the 
ground  opposite  the  fort  on  that  side,  without  the  least  opposition." 

Thus  far,  Rogers,  who  is  minute  in  the  further  advance  of  the 
army  to  Montreal,  and  the  opposition  it  met  with  till  its  arrival  at 
that  place,  on  the  8th  of  September,  when  Amherst  was  joined 
by  General  Murray,  from  Quebec.  His  force  was  so  imposing 
and  all  his  arrangements  so  well  made-,  that  the  French  governor,. 
Vaudreuil,  surrendered  his  army  and  the  town  on  the  first  sum 
mons.  This  event  closed  the  war  in  North  America.  The  Pro 
vincials  and  Rangers  were  never  better  commanded  than  on  this 
occasion,  by  Ruggles,  Thomas  and  Rogers.  The  two  former 
were  from  Massachusetts,  the  one  a  distinguished  barrister  at  law, 
the  latter  equally  distinguished  as  a  physician.  Rogers  was  a 
native  of  New  Hampshire,  and  commander  of  ih&  Rangers 
through  the  whole  war,  and  the  most  celebrated  partizan  this, 
country  ever  produced. 

Ruggles  arid  Rogers  both  joined  the  mother  country  in  the  con 
test  for  Independence.  From  this  time  to  1775,  Col.  Thomas 
continued  engaged  in.  his  profession  at  Kingston,  where  the  revo 


[8] 

lution  found  him,  in  the  enjoyment  of  domestic  happiness,  profes 
sional  distinction,  and  well  earned  military  fame. 

In  the  month  of  February,  the  Provincial  Congress  passed  the 
following  resolutions  :  "  In  Provincial  Congress,  Cambridge,  Feb 
ruary  9th,  1775 : — Resolved,  That  the  Hon.  Jedediah  Preble, 
Esq.,  Hon.  Artemas  "Ward,  Esq.,  Col.  Seth  Pomeroy,  Col.  John 
Thomas,  Col.  William  Heath,  be  and  hereby  are  appointed  Gene 
ral  Officers." 

The  gallant  and  veteran  General  Preble,  of  Portland,  father  of 
the  distinguished  naval  commander,  Edward  Preble,  declined  the 
service.  It  is  believed  he  was  induced  to  this  course  from  his 
advanced  age ;  the  others  all  accepted.  The  accurate  biographer, 
Dr.  John  Eliot,  in  a  note  to  a  memoir  of  Gen.  Sullivan,  says  of 
Gen.  Thomas,  "he  was  an  officer  who  had  acquired  reputation  in 
the  French  war.  He  was  one  of  the  best  officers  in  our  army  in 
1775,  and  commanded  the  division  nearest  the  British  lines  in 
Roxbury.  A  more  brave,  beloved  and  distinguished  character  did 
not  go  into  the  field,  nor  was  there  a  man  that  made  a  greater 
sacrifice  of  his  own  ease,  health  and  social  enjoyments." 

Previous  to  the  battle  of  Lexington,  the  Provincial  Congress 
created  the  office  of  Lieutenant  General,  and  appointed  Thomas 
to  the  office,  which  gave  him  rank  of  Pomeroy.  After  the  battle 
of  Lexington,  Ward  was  commander-in-chief,  and  had  his  head 
quarters  at  Cambridge,  while  Thomas  commanded  on  the  Roxbury 
side  as  Lieutenant  General. 

Soon  after  this,  the  Continental  Congress  asssumed  the  army 
assembled  at  Cambridge,  as  the  army  of  the  United  Colonies,  and 
appointed  the  general  officers  to  command  the  same.  Among 
these,  after  Washington,  were  four  Major  Generals,  eight  Briga 
diers,  and  an  Adjutant  General.  Ward  being  the  only  Major 
General  Massachusetts  was  entitled  to,  Thomas  should  have  been 
the  first  Brigadier  of  the  army,  and  is  so  called  in  his  commission, 
but  the  dates  of  the  commissions  gave  Pomeroy  and  Heatli  pre 
cedence* 


[9] 

This  difficulty,  with  others  of  a  similar  character,  and  the  result 
of  them  will  be  explained  by  Washington,  in  his  first  letter  to 
Congress,  from  Cambridge  camp,  of  July  10th,  1775,  "  I  am  very 
sorry  to  observe,  that  the  appointment  of  General  officers,  in  the 
provinces  of  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut,  has  not  corresponded 
with  the  wishes  or  judgment  either  of  the  civil  or  military.  The 
great  dissatisfaction  expressed  on  this  subject,  and  the  apparent 
danger  of  throwing  the  whole  army  into  the  utmost  disorder,  to 
gether  with  the  strong  representations  made  by  the  Provincial 
Congress,  have  induced  me  to  retain  the  commissions  in  my  hands 
until  the  pleasure  of  the  Continental  Congress  should  be  further 
known,  except  General  Putnam's,  which  was  given  him  the  day  I 
came  to  camp,  and  before  I  was  apprised  of  these  disgusts.  In 
such  a  step,  I  must  beg  the  Congress  will  do  me  the  justice  to 
believe,  that  I  have  been  actuated  solely  by  a  regard  to  the  public 
good.  I  have  not,  nor  could  I  have,  any  private  attachments — 
every  gentleman  in  the  appointment  was  a  stranger  to  me,  but 
from  character  j  I  must  therefore,  rely  upon  the  candor  and  indul 
gence  of  Congress,'  for  their  most  favorable  construction  of  my 
conduct  in  this  particular.  General  Spencer's  disgust  was  so 
great  at  General  Putnam's  promotion,  that  he  left  without  visiting 
me,  or  making  known  his  intention  in  any  respect.  General  Pom- 
eroy  had  also  retired  before  my  arrival,  occasioned,  as  it  is  said,  by 
some  disappointment  from  the  Provincial  Congress. 

"General  Thomas  is  much  esteemed,  and  most  earnestly  desired 
to  continue  in  the  service  ;  and.  as  far  as  my  opportunities  have 
enabled  me  to  judge,  I  must  join  the  general  opinion,  that  he  is  an 
able,  good  officer,  and  his  resignation  would  be  a  public  loss. 

"  The  postponement  of  him  to  Pomeroy  and  Heath,  whom  he  has 
commanded,  would  make  his  continuance  very  difficult,  and  pro 
bably  operate  on  his  mind  as  the  like  circumstances  did  on  that  of 
Spencer." 

Washington,  in  a  letter  to  General  Schuyler,  of  July  28th,  says, 
"  The  arrangement  of  the  general  officers  in  Massachusetts  and 


[10] 

Connecticut,  has  been  very  unpopular,  indeed  I  may  say  injudici 
ous.  It  is  returned  to  Congress  for  further  consideration,  and  has 
much  retarded  my  plan  of  discipline."  Generals  Wooster  and 
Spencer  were  both  senior  to  Putnam  in  the  Connecticut  State  ap 
pointment,  and  by  what  fatality  he  was  placed  over  them  by  the 
Continental  Congress,  is  hardly  necessary  to  inquire  at  this  time, 
and  in  this  place.  Wooster  and  Spencer,  probably,  were  never 
reconciled  to  their  degradation,  as  they  both  eventually  resigned 
and  left  the  service. 

The  difficulty  in  Massachusetts  was  entirely  healed.  General 
Pomeroy  did  not  return  to  the  army,  and  never  received  his  com 
mission,  and  the  Congress  passed  a  special  resolve,  that  General 
Thomas  should  have  precedence  of  all  the  Brigadiers  in  the  army, 
in  which  decision,  the  army  and  the  public  fully  acquiesced. 

But  previous  to  the  decision  of  Congress,  Thomas  had  with 
drawn  from,  his  command  at  Roxbury,  concluding  that  he  could 
not  in  honor  serve  in  an  army  and  be  commanded  by  those  whom 
he  had  so  recently  commanded.  His  intentions  being  made 
known,  efforts  from  various  quarters,  to  retain  him  in  the  army, 
were  made,  which  have  no  parallel  in  the  military  annals  of  this 
country  or  Europe. 

"  House  of  Representatives,  Watertown,  July  22d,  1775. 
SIR, 

This  House  approving  of  your  services  in  the  station  you 
were  appointed  to  in  the  army  by  the  Congress  of  this  Colony — 
embrace  this  opportunity  to  express  their  sense  of  them,  and 
at  the  same  time  to  desire  your  continuance  with  the  army,  if  you 
shall  judge  you  can  do  it  without  impropriety  till  the  final  deter 
mination  of  the  Continental  Congress  shall  be  known  with  regard 
to  the  appointment  of  General  Officers.  We  assure  you  that  the 
justice  of  this  House  will  be  engaged  to  make  you  an  adequate 
compensation  for  your  services.  We  have  such  intelligence  as 
affords  us  confidence  to  suppose,  that  a  few  days  will  determine 


1 11] 

whether  any  such  provision  shall  be  made  for  you  as  is  consistent 
with  your  honor  to  accept,  and  shall  give  encouragement  for  you 
to  remain  in  the  service. 

By  order  of  the  House, 

JAMES  WARREN,  Speaker." 
GENERAL  THOMAS." 

The  next  effort  to  prevent  General  Thomas  from  resigning,  was 
made  by  General  Lee,  who  at  that  time,  as  a  military  gentleman, 
was  considered  by  many  as  superior  to  Washington  ;  and  it  was 
the  first  time  in  his  life  he  ever  condescended  to  address  any  one 
in  the  language  of  entreaty. 

"  July  23,  1775. 

SIR, 

It  is  with  the  greatest  concern  that  I  have  heard  of  your 
intention  to  quit  the  service  of  your  country  at  a  crisis  when  men 
of  merit  can  be  so  ill  spared.  You  think  yourself  not  justly  dealt 
with  in  the  appointments  of  the  Continental  Congress.  I  am  quite 
of  the  same  opinion,  but  is  this  a  time  sir,  when  the  liberties  of 
your  country,  the  fate  of  posterity,  the  rights  of  mankind  are  at 
stake,  to  indulge  our  resentments  for  any  ill  treatment  we  may  have 
received  as  individuals  ? 

I  have  myself,  sir,  full  as  great,  perhaps  greater  reason  to  com 
plain  than  yourself.  I  have  passed  through  the  highest  ranks,  in 
some  of  the  most  respectable  services  of  Europe.  According  then 
to  modern  etiquette  notions  of  a  soldier's  honor  and  delicacy,  I 
ought  to  consider  at  least  the  preferment  given  to  General  Ward 
over  me  as  the  highest  indignity,  but  I  thought  it  my  duty  as  a  citi 
zen  and  asserter  of  liberty,  to  waive  every  consideration. 

On  this  principle,  although  a  Major  General  of  five  years  stand 
ing,  and  not  a  native  of  America,  I  consented  to  serve  under 
General  Ward,  because  I  was  taught  to  think  that  the  concession 
would  be  grateful  to  his  countrymen,  and  I  flatter  myself  that  the 
concession  has  done  me  credit  in  the  eye  of  the  world ;  and  can 


[  12  ] 

you,  sir,  born  in  this  very  country,  which  a  banditti  of  ministerial 
assassins  are  now  attempting  utterly  to  destroy  with  sword,  fire 
and  famine,  abandon  the  defence  of  her,  because  you  have  been 
personally  ill  used  ? 

For  God  Almighty's  sake,*  for  the  sake  of  every  thing  that  is 
dear,  and  ought  to  be  dear  to  you,  for  the  sake  of  your  country,  of 
mankind,  and  let  me  add,  of  your  own  reputation,  discard  such 
sentiments.  Consider  well  the  dreadful  mischief  such  a  pernici- 
cious  example  may  occasion ;  consider  well  wrhether  such  a  pro 
ceeding  may  not  bring  down  upon  your  head  the  contempt  and 
abhorence  of  that  community  which  has  hitherto  most  justly  held 
you  in  the  highest  respect. 

I  beg  you  will  excuse  the  liberty  I  take  in  thus  addressing  you  ; 
and  ascribe  it  to  its  true  motive — a  zeal  for  the  public  good,  and 
the  great  regard  I  have  for  your  personal  self,  and  that  you  will 
believe  me  to  be  most  sincerely  yours, 

CHARLES  LEE/' 

GENERAL  THOMAS." 

The  next  effort  made  to  retain  General  Thomas  in  the  army, 
was  by  our  own  Washington,  and  he  never  made  a  greater. 

Cambridge,  July  23,  1775. 
SIR, 

The  retirement  of  a  general  officer,  possessing  the  confi 
dence  of  his  country  and  the  army,  at  so  critical  a  period,  appears 
to  me  to  be  big  with  fatal  consequences,  both  to  the  public  cause, 
and  his  own  reputation.  While  it  is  unexecuted,  I  think  it  my 
duty  to  make  this  last  effort  to  prevent  it ;  and  after  suggesting 
those  reasons  which  occur  to  me  against  your  resignation,  your 
own  virtue  and  good  sense  must  decide  upon  it.  In  the  usual 
contests  of  empire,  and  ambition,  the  conscience  of  a  soldier  has  so 
little  share,  that  he  may  very  properly  insist  upon  his  claims  of 
rank,  and  extend  his  pretensions  even  to  punctilio  :  but  in  such  a 


[  13] 

cause  as  this,  where  the  object  is  neither  glory,  nor  extent  of  terri 
tory,  but  a  defence  of  all  that  is  dear  and  valuable  in  life,  surely 
every  post  ought  to  be  deemed  honorable  in  which  a  man  can 
serve  his  country.  What  matter  of  triumph  will  it  afford  our 
enemies,  that  in  less  than  one  month,  a  spirit  of  discord  should 
show  itself  in  the  highest  ranks  of  the  army,  not  to  be  extinguished 
by  any  thing  less  than  a  total  desertion  of  duty  ?  How  little  rea 
son  shall  we  have  to  boast  of  American  union,  of  patriotism,  if  at 
such  a  time,  and  in  such  a  cause,  smaller  and  partial  considerations 
cannot  give  way  to  the  great  and  general  interest  1  These  remarks 
not  only  affect  you  as  a  member  of  the  great  American  body,  but 
as  an  inhabitant  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  your  own  province,  and 
the  other  colonies  have  a  peculiar  and  unquestionable  claim  to 
your  services  ;  and  in  my  opinion  you  cannot  refuse  them,  without 
relinquishing  in  some  degree  that  character  for  public  virtue  and 
honor  which  you  have  hitherto  supported.  If  our  cause  is  just,  it 
ought  to  be  supported  ;  but  where  shall  it  find  support,  if  gentle 
men  of  merit  and  experience,  unable  to  conquer  the  prejudices  of 
a  competition,  withdraw  themselves  in  an  hour  of  danger  1  I  ad 
mit,  sir,  that  your  claims  and  services  have  not  had  due  respect — 
it  is  by  no  means  a  singular  case  :  worthy  men  of  all  nations  and 
countries  have  had  reason  to  make  the  same  complaint ;  but  they 
did  not  for  this  abandon  the  public  cause — they  nobly  stifled  the 
dictates  of  resentment,  and  made  their  enemies  ashamed  of  their 
injustice.  And  can  America  show  no  such  instances  of  magnanim 
ity  ?  For  the  sake  of  your  bleeding  country,  your  devoted  province, 
your  charter  rights,  and  by  the  memory  of  those  brave  men  who 
have  already  fell  in  this  great  cause,  I  conjure  you  to  banish  from 
your  mind  every  suggestion  of  anger  and  disappointment ;  your 
country  will  do  ample  justice  to  your  merits  ;  they  already  do  it, 
by  the  sorrow  and  regret  expressed  on  the  occasion,  and  the  sacri 
fice  you  are  called  to  make,  will,  in  the  judgment  of  every  good 
man,  and  lover  of  his  country,  do  you  more  real  honor  than  the 
most  distinguished  victory. 


1  You  possess  the  confidence  and  affection  of  the  troops  of  this 
province  particularly ;  many  of  them  are  not  capable  of  judging 
the  propriety  and  reasons  of  your  conduct :  should  they  esteem 
themselves  authorized  by  your  example  to  leave  the  service,  the 
consequences  may  be  fatal  and  irretrievable.  There  is  reason  to 
fear  it,  from  the  personal  attachments  of  the  men  to  their  officers, 
and  the  obligations  that  are  supposed  to  arise  from  those  attach 
ments.  But,  sir,  the  other  colonies  have  also  their  claims  upon 
you,  not  only  as  a  native  of  America,  but  an  inhabitant  of  this 
province.  They  have  made  common  cause  with  it,  they  have  sac 
rificed  their  trade,  loaded  themselves  with  taxes,  and  are  ready 
to  spill  their  blood  in  vindication  of  the  rights  of  Massachusetts 
Bay,  while  all  the  security  and  profit  of  a  neutrality  has  been 
offered  them.  But  no  arts  or  temptations  could  seduce  them  from 
your  side,  and  leave  you  a  prey  to  a  cruel  and  perfidious  ministry. 
Sure,  these  reflections  must  have  some  weight,  with  a  mind  as  gen 
erous  and  considerate  as  yours. 

'  How  will  you  be  able  to  answer  it  to  your  country  and 
your  own  conscience,  if  the  step  you  are  about  to  take  should 
lead  to  a  division  of  the  army,  or  the  loss  and  ruin  of  America  be 
ascribed  to  measures  which  your  councils  and  conduct  could  have 
prevented  ?  Before  it  is  too  late,  I  entreat,  sir,  you  would  weigh 
well  the  greatness  of  the  stake,  and  upon  how  much  smaller  cir 
cumstances  the  fate  of  empires  has  depended.  Of  your  own  honor 
and  reputation  you  are  the  best  and  only  judge  ;  but  allow  me  to 
say,  that  a  people  contending  for  life  and  liberty,  are  seldom  dis 
posed  to  look  with  a  favorable  eye  upon  either  men  or  measures 
whose  passions,  interests,  or  consequences  will  clash  with  those 
inestimable  objects.  As  to  myself,  sir,  be  assured,  that  I  shall  with 
pleasure,  do  all  in  my  power  to  make  your  situation  both  easy  and 
honorable,  and  that  the  sentiments  here  expressed  flow  from  a 
clear  opinion  that  your  duty  to  your  country,  your  posterity,  and 
yourself,  most  explicitly  require  your  continuance  in  the  service. 

1  The  order  and  rank  of  the  commissions  is  under  the  considera- 


[   15  J 

tion  of  the  Continental  Congress,  whose  determination  will  be  re 
ceived  in  a  few  days.  It  may  argue  a  want  of  respect  to  that 
august  body  not  to  wait  the  decision  :  but  at  all  events,  I  shall  nat 
ter  myself  that  these  reasons  with  others  which  your  own  good 
judgment  will  suggest,  will  strengthen  your  mind  against  those 
impressions  which  are  incident  to  humanity,  and  laudable  to  a  cer 
tain  degree  ;  and  that  the  result  will  be,  your  resolution  to  assist 
your  country  in  this  day  of  distress.  That  you  may  reap  the  full 
reward  of  honor  and  public  esteem  which  such  a  conduct  deserves 
is  the  sincere  wish  of 

Sir, 

Your  very 

Obed.  and  most  humble  Servant. 

GEO.  WASHINGTON." 
GEN.  JOHN  THOMAS." 


ADDRESS  OP  THE  FIELD  OFFICERS  OF   THE  SEVERAL  REGI 

MENTS    BELONGING   TO    THE   CAMP    IN    RoXBURY. 

To  the  Honorable  John  Thomas,  Esq. 
SIR, 

Your  appointment  as  Lieut.  General  by  the  Provincial 
Congress,  in  consequence  of  which  you  took  the  supreme  command 
in  this  camp,  gave  singular  satisfaction  to  all  acquainted  with  your 
character,  both  on  account  of  your  inflexible  attachment  to  the 
liberties  of  your  country,  and  your  knowledge  and  experience  in 
military  movements  ;  and  to  your  vigilance,  prudence,  and  skilful 
management  is  to  be  ascribed  in  a  great  measure,  that  order  and 
regularity  for  which  this  camp  has  been  celebrated,  and  which  are 
essentially  requisite  to  the  very  being  of  an  army.  To  these  im 
portant  services  you  have  the  purest  incense  to  a  great  and  good 
mind,  the  unfeigned  thanks  of  the  officers  and  soldiers  under  your 
immediate  command,  as  well  as  of  every  friend  to  his  country,  and 
the  rights  of  mankind.  We  are  penetrated  with  the  deepest  con 
cern,  that  by  an  unfortunate  concurrence  of  events,  an  arrange- 


ment  is  made,  which  leads  you  to  think,  that  you  cannot  continue 
in  the  army,  consistent  with  those  delicate  and  refined  sentiments 
of  honor  which  are  peculiarly  and  fitly  characteristic  of  the  soldier. 
We  would  not  solicit  you  to  do  any  thing  derogatory  to  your  rep 
utation,  or  the  rank  you  have  formerly  sustained  ;  but  as  no  man 
has  so  much  endeared  himself  to  the  regiments  which  compose 
your  brigade,  as  yourself,  we  earnestly  request,  that  you  would 
assume  the  command  of  it : — that  vast  dignity  and  consequence  of 
the  cause  we  are  contending  for,  may  be  more  than  a  counterpoise 
to  other  considerations,  of  what  nature  soever,  that  yiour  country 
may  still  be  advantaged  by  your  abilities  ;  and  though  mistakes 
are  entailed  to  humanity,  we  doubt  not  the  gratitude  and  justice 
of  your  countrymen,  will  reward  you  in  some  degree  adequate  to 
your  merit. 

After  all  we  submit  the  matter  to  your  Honor's  decision,  assuring 
you  that  although  we  shall  part  with  you  with  regret,  yet  we  will 
demean  ourselves  as  becomes  the  soldier. 

In  behalf  of  the  within  mentioned  officers. 

THEO.  COTTON,  President." 
Roxlury,  July  25tk,  1775." 

If  the  above  resolves,  letters  and  addresses,  had  been  unavailing 
to  have  retained  Gen.  Thomas  in  the  service,  or  prevented  his  re 
signing  until  the  decision  of  that  august  body,  the  Continental 
Congress,  should  be  known,  he  must  have  been  much  more  or 
much  less  than  man.  But  being  what  he  was,  an  honest  man,  an 
ardent  patriot,  and  good  officer,  the  means  applied  were  effectual, 
and  the  result  as  we  have  seen,  a  restoration  to  rank  and  command. 
In  the  battle  of  Bunker's  Hill,  in  June,  Thomas  took  no  direct 
part,  although  his  post  at  Roxbury,  on  the  south  of  Boston,  was 
cannonaded  during  the  whole  day  of  the  battle  ;  and  the  original 
plan  of  the  British  was  to  approach  his  command,  and  take  pos 
session  of  Dorchester  Heights. 

For  on  the  augmentation  of  his  force  in  May,  1775,  General 


t   17] 

Gage  determined  to  occupy  the  heights  of  Dorchester  to  the  south, 
and  those  of  Charlestown  to  the  north  of  the  town ;  the  occupa 
tion  of  these  was  not  only  necessary  to  the  extension  of  his  quar 
ters,  but  indispensable  to  his  holding  of  them.  It  was  therefore 
determined  in  the  first  instance  to  seize  upon  Dorchester  Heights, 
as  they  were  the  most  commanding,  and  of  easiest  access  to  the 
Provincials.  Agreeably  to  the  plan  concerted,  Howe  was  to  have 
landed  at  the  point  of  the  peninsula  nearest  to  the  castle  ;  Clinton 
on  the  flat,  between  that  place  and  Nook's  Hill,  whilst  Burgoyne 
was  to  take  post  on  the  neck,  and  keep  up  a  heavy  cannonade  on 
the  camp  at  Roxbury,  commanded  by  Thomas. 

From  the  strength,  disposition  and  equipments  of  those  corps, 
no  effectual  opposition  could  have  been  made  to  this  operation  of 
the  royal  army,  and  a  few  days  more  would  have  put  it  in  posses 
sion  of  Bunker's  Hill.  The  arrangements  of  General  Gage,  pre 
paratory  to  those  meditated  operations,  necessarily  attracted  the 
attention  of  the  inhabitants  of  Boston,  and  being  communicated 
to  the  Provincial  Congress,  they  became  jealous  of  some  hostile 
movement,  without  being  able  to  penetrate  the  object  of  it.  They 
recommended  to  the  council  of  war  the  fortification  of  Dorchester 
Neck  and  Bunker's  Hill. 

The  resolution  of  the  council  of  war  being  taken,  Col.  William 
Prescott,  the  hero  of  Bunker's  Hill,  was  ordered  to  take  posses 
sion  of  that  height,  which  brought  on  the  battle  of  the  17th  of  June, 
and  prevented  their  taking  possession  of  Dorchester  Heights, 
which  left  that  point  open,  and  which  Thomas  afterward  occupied 
with  the  happiest  effect. 

From  this  time  to  March,  1776,  General  Thomas  commanded 
the  most  .exposed  camp  of  the  besieging  army,  at  Roxbury,  and 
by  constant  vigilance  preserved  it  from  insult  or  injury.  It  having 
been  determined  to  take  possession  of  Dorchester  Heights,  which 
would  bring  on  an  action  or  produce  the-  evacuation  of  Boston  by 
the  British  army  ;  on  Monday  the  4th  of  March,  in  the  evening, 

these  Heights  were  taken  possession  of  by  General  Thomas  with 

2* 


I    18] 

about  twenty -five  hundred  men,  and  between  three  and  four  hun 
dred  carts  with  entrenching  tools,  and  a  train  of  carts  with  facines 
and  screwed  hay.  The  whole  moved  in  solemn  silence,  and  with 
perfect  order  and  regularity,  while  a  continued  roar  of  artillery 
from  our  lines  served  to  engage  the  attention  and  divert  the 
enemy  from  the  main  object.  The  amount  of  labor  performed 
during  the  night,  by  this  party,  considering  the  earth  was  frozen 
eighteen  inches  deep,  was  almost  incredible. 

On  the  morning  of  the  5th  the  British  saw  at  once,  there  was 
no  time  to  deliberate,  Thomas  must  be  removed  or  Boston  evacua" 
ted.  The  former  was  immediately  determined  on,  and  a  tremen- 
duous  cannonade  was  commenced  on  our  works  from  the  forts  in 
Boston,  and  the  shipping  in  the  harbor.  During  the  forenoon  an 
attack  was  hourly  expected  ;  and  nothing  less  than  the  carnage  of 
Breed's  Hill  anticipated.  During  this  time  Thomas  was  reinforced 
with  two  thousand  troops,  and  the  Commander-in-Chief,  arrived, 
and  animated  and  encouraged  the  soldiers,  by  reminding  them 
that  it  was  the  5th  of  March,  the  day  of  the  Boston  massacre, 
which  he  recalled  to  their  remembrance  as  a  day  never  to  be  for 
gotten  ;  in  his  own  words,  °  an  engagement  was  fully  expected, 
and  I  never  saw  spirits  higher,  or  more  ardor  prevailing." 

Our  breast-works  were  strengthened,  and  among  the  means  of 
defence  were  a  great  number  of  barrels,  filled  with  stones  and 
sand,  arranged  in  front  of  our  works,  which  were  to  be  put  in 
motion  and  made  to  roll  down  the  hill,  to  break  the  ranks  and  legs 
of  the  assailants  as  they  advanced.  The  anxious  day  passed  with 
out  an  attack  ;  the  next  day  the  British  made  preparations  for  an 
assault,  but  a  most  violent  storm  obliged  General  Howe  to  aban 
don  the  enterprize. 

On  the  7th,  there  were  indications  in  Boston  that  the  British 
were  preparing  to  evacuate  the  town,  and  on  the  8th  they  sent  a 
flag  of  truce  with  the  following  paper,  signed  by  the  select  men 
of  the  town. 


[   19] 

"  As  his  Excellency,  General  Howe,  is  determined  to 
leave  the  town  with  the  troops  under  his  commancP,  a  number  of 
the  respectable  inhabitants  being  very  anxious  for  its  preservation 
and  safety,  have  applied  to  General  Robinson,  who  at  their  request 
has  communicated  the  same  to  General  Howe,  who  has  assured 
him  that  he  has  no  intention  of  distressing  the  town,  unless  the 
troops  under  his  command  are  molested  during  their  embarkation, 
or  at  their  departure,  by  any  armed  force  without,  which  declara 
tion  he  gave  General  Robinson  leave  to  communicate  to  the  in 
habitants. 

If  such  an  opposition  should  take  place,  we  have  the  greatest 
reason  to  expect  that  the  town  will  be  exposed  to  entire  destruc 
tion.  As  our  fears  are  quieted  with  regard  to  General  Howe's 
intentions,  we  beg  that  we  may  have  assurances  that  so  dreadful  a 
calamity  may  not  be  brought  on  by  any  measure  without.  As  a 
testimony  of  the  truth  of  the  above,  we  have  signed  our  names  to 
this  paper  ;  carried  out  by  Messrs.  Thomas  and  Jonathan  Amory, 
and  Peter  Johonnet,  who  have  the  earnest  entreaty  of  the  in 
habitants,  through  the  Lieutenant  Governor,  who  solicited  a  flag 
of  truce  for  this  purpose. 

JOHN  SCALLY, 
TIMOTHY  MARSHALL, 
TIMOTHY  NEWALL, 
SAMUEL  AUSTIN." 
Boston,  March  8th,  1776." 

Washington  gave  no  answer  to  this  informal  declaration  of 
Howe's,  or  any  assurances  to  the  wishes  of  the  inhabitants  of  Bos 
ton,  but  acted  in  conformity  to  both,  by  letting  Howe  depart  unmo 
lested.  General  Thomas'  own  account  of  this  transaction,  in  a 
letter  to  his  wife,  will  be  more  acceptable  to  the  reader,  than  any 
thing  that  can  be  said  by  another. 


[20] 

| 

"  DEAR  MRS.  THOMAS, 

We*  have  for  some  time  been  preparing  to  take  posses 
sion  of  Dorchester  Point,  and  last  Monday  night,  about  seven 
o'clock,  I  marched  with  about  three  thousand  picked  men,  beside 
three  hundred  and  sixty  ox  teams  and  some  pieces  of  artillery. 
Two  companies  of  the  train  of  teams  were  laden  with  materials 
for  our  works.  About  eight  o'clock  we  ascended  the  high  hills, 
and  by  day  light  got  two  hills  defensible. 

About  sun  rise,  the  enemy  and  others  in  Boston,  appeared 
numerous  on  the  tops  of  houses  and  on  the  wharfs  viewing  us 
with  astonishment,  for  our  appearance  was  unexpected  to  them. 
The  cannonading  which  had  been  kept  up  all  night  from  our  lines 
at  Lamb's  Dam,  and  from  the  enemy's  lines  likewise,  at  Lechmere's 
Point,  now  ceased  from  these  quarters,  and  the  enemy  turned  their 
fire  towards  us  on  the  hills,  but  they  soon  found  it  was  to  little 
effect. 

About  ten  o'clock  we  discovered  large  bodies  of  troops  embark 
ing  in  boats  with  their  artillery,  which  made  a  formidable  appear 
ance.  After  some  time  they  were  put  on  board  transports,  and 
several  of  the  ships  came  down  near  to  the  castle,  as  we  supposed, 
with  a  design  to  land  on  our  shore. 

Our  people  appeared  in  spirits  to  receive  them.  We  were  now 
in  a  good  posture  of  defence,  and  had  two  thousand  men  added  to 
our  number.  The  enemy  viewed  us  critically,  and  remained  in 
that  situation  that  night.  The  next  day  they  came  to  sail,  and 
returned  to  town  and  landed  their  troops.  On  Friday,  about  two 
o'clock,  P.  M.,  they  sent  a  flag  of  truce  with  a  paper,  a  copy  of 
which  I  enclose. 

I  have  had  very  little  sleep  or  rest  this  week,  being  closely  em 
ployed  night  and  day.  But  now  I  think  we  are  well  secured.  I 
write  in  haste,  thinking  you  may  be  anxious  to  hear,  as  there  is 
much  firing  this  way.  We  lost  but  two  men  killed  in  all  this  affair. 
How  things  are  in  Boston,  or  what  loss  they  have  sustained  from 
our  shot  and  shells,  at  present,  we  are  not  informed,  but  I  am  sen- 


[21] 

sible  we  distressed  them  much,  from  appearances.     I   have  wrote 
you  enclosed  by  the  same  hand,  and  am  in  haste. 

JNO.  THOMAS. 
Dorchester  Hills,  in  a  small  hut,  March  9,  1776. 

Your  son  John  is  well  and  in  high  spirits.  He  ran  away 
from  Oakeley  privately,  on  Tuesday  morning,  and  got  by  the  sen 
tries  and  came  to  me  on  Dorchester  Hills,  where  he  has  been 
most  of  the  time  since." 

Mrs.  Thomas'  disobedient  son  John,  had  been  left  by  his  father, 
on  Monday  evening,  when  he  marched  for  Dorchester  Heights,  in 
the  care  of  his  colored  servant  Oakeley,  who,  no  doubt,  was 
instructed  to  keep  him  from  mischief  and  danger,  he  being  but  ten 
years  old.  On  Tuesday  morning  he  found  every  thing  in  motion, 
and  battle  expected,  where  his  father  was  to  act  a  conspicuous 
part,  considered  it  dishonorable  for  him  to  remain  in  retirement, 
hazarded  his  father's  displeasure,  and  sought  the  post  of  danger. 

Years  had  passed,  young  as  he  was,  since  he  had  heard  his 
parents  and  neighbors  express  their  indignation  at  every  kind  of 
oppression,  whether  civil  or  religious.  He  might  not  have  thought 
favorably  of  religious  worship  dictated  by  act  of  parliament,  or  of 
taxation  without  representation  ;  he  might  even  have  been  so  here 
tical  as  to  have  believed  "  that  there  might  be  a  government  with 
out  a  king,  and  a  church  without  a  bishop."  Whatever  John's  train 
of  thinking  was  at  the  time,  which  induced  action,  he  made  his 
appearance  on  Dorchester  Heights,  and  it  is  hardly  worth  the  con 
jecture  in  what  manner  he  was  received  by  a  gallant  and  affection 
ate  parent.  John  can  now  say  more  perhaps  than  any  man  alive, 
that  in  the  hour  of  danger,  and  in  expectation  of  close  and  stub 
born  action,  "  I  stood  fearless,  by  the  side  of  George  Washington 
and  John  Thomas."  Of  all  Washington's  military  plans,  none 
were  better  formed,  or  more  skilfully  executed  than  that  of  taking 
possession  of  Dorchester  Heights,  which  drove  the  British  from 
Boston.  The  selection  of  the  officer  and  troops  to  carry  it  into 


[22] 

effect  were  the  best  possible  ;  and  nothing,  however  minute,  was 
omitted  to  secure  complete  success. 

Washington  had  been  eight  months  in  command,  and  no  success 
ful  or  brilliant  operation  had  taken  place  under  his  immediate 
superintendance.  People  began  to  complain  audibly,  that  he  was 
not  so  desirous  to  take  Boston  as  to  prolong  his  command.  They 
then  did  not  know  that  he  had  frequently  laid  plans  before  his 
military  council,  to  drive  the  British  from  that  town,  which  were 
rejected  on  account  of  the  too  great  hazard  supposed  to  attend 
them.  This  was  the  first  of  his  plans  which  was  adopted.  The 
first  part  of  it,  was,  to  compel  retreat  before  the  works  at  Dorches- 
•  ter ;  the  second,  to  enter  the  town  of  Boston  by  another  body  of 
troops,  while  the  first  part  was  in  execution.  In  a  letter  to  Col. 
Joseph  Reed,  he  says,  "  The  four  thousand  men  destined  to  take 
possession  of  Boston,  on  the  5th,  if  the  ministerialists  had  at 
tempted  our  works  at  Dorchester  Heights,  or  the  lines  at  Roxbury, 
were  to  have  been  headed  by  General  Putnam.  But  he  would 
have  had  an  easy  time  of  it,  as  his  motions  were  to  have  been 
regulated  by  signals,  and  those  signals  by  appearances.  He  was 
not  to  have  made  the  attempt,  unless  the  town  had  been  drained, 
or  very  considerably  weakened  of  its  force." 

Congress  were  now  looking  for  an  officer  to  command  the  troops 
led  into  Canada  by  Montgomery  and  Arnold,  and  having  been 
cautioned  by  Washington  not  to  appoint  a  Major  General,  whom 
he  named  to  them,  for  that  service,  they,  on  the  6th  of  March,  pro 
moted  General  Thomas  to  the  rank  of  Major  General,  and  sent 
him  to  command  in  Canada.  A  letter  from  John  Adams,  then  at 
Philadelphia,  of  March  the  7th,  to  General  Thomas,  gives  so  cor 
rect  a  view  of  American  affairs  at  that  time,  in  that  quarter,  that  it 
is  here  inserted. 

"  DEAR  SIR, 

The  Congress  have  determined  to  send  you  to  Canada. 
They  have  advanced  you  one  step,  by  making  you  a  Major  Gene- 


[23] 

ral,  and  have  made  a  handsome  establishment  for  a  table.  Your 
friends,  the  delegates  from  your  native  province,  were  much  em 
barrassed,  between  a  desire  to  have  you  promoted  and  placed  in 
so  honorable  a  command  on  the  one  hand,  and  a  reluctance  at 
loosing  your  services  at  Roxbury  or  Cambridge  on  the  other.  But 
all  agreed  that  you  ought  to  be  placed  where  you  could  do  the  most 
service,  and  Canada  was  thought  by  all  to  be  very  important,  and 
by  some  the  most  important  post  in  America.  You  will  have  ex 
cellent  advice  and  assistance  in  the  committee  we  are  sending, 
Franklin,  Chase  and  Carrol. 

Walker,  Price  and  Bendfield,  will  be  in  Canada  too,  as  soon  as 
you.  Generals  Wooster  and  Arnold  will  give  you  the  best  infor 
mation.  The  department  to  which  you  are  destined  has  been  in 
great  confusion,  and  every  gentleman  who  has  come  from  them 
has  a  different  account.  General  Schuyler,  who  is  an  honest  man 
and  a  good  patriot,  has  had  a  politeness  about  him  towards  Cana 
dian  and  British  prisoners,  which  has  enabled  them  and  their  min 
isterial  friends  to  impose  upon  him  in  some  instances. 

This  has  occasioned  some  altercation  between  him  and  Wooster. 
Schuyler's  head  quarters  will  be  at  Albany,  I  suppose,  and  he  will 
be  of  vast  service,  in  procuring  and  forwarding  supplies,  and  in 
many  other  ways  in  promoting  the  service. 

But  his  health  will  not  permit  him  to  go  into  Canada.     I  wish  I 
could  write  you  a  volume,  for  to  give  you  the  characters  of  per 
sons  in  Canada  of  whom  we  have  heard,  and  some  of  whom  we 
have  seen,  which  would  fill  one.     But  these  hints  must  suffice. 
Your  humble  servant, 

JOHN  ADAMS. 

Let  me  beg  of  you  to  write  me  if  you  can  spare  time. 
It  is  of  great  importance  that  the  delegates  from  New  England 
should  be  truly  informed  of  the  course  of  things  in  Canada." 

General  Thomas,  while  in  his  proud  command  at  Dorchester, 
was  promoted,  and  appointed  to  a  more  extensive  and  important 


[24] 

command,  which  proved  disastrous  to  his  country,  and  fatal  to 
himself.  After  seeing  the  British  army  and  fleet  leave  his  native 
province,  he  took  his  departure  for  Canada,  and  the  difficulty  of 
travel  at  that  season  of  the  year,  may  be  conceived,  but  a  letter 
from  the  good  patriot,  General  Schuyler,  will  more  fully  reveal. 

Saratoga,  Friday  Evening,  8  o'clock,  March  29th,  1776. 
SIR, 

By  a  letter  this  moment  received  from  my  secretary,  I 
have  the  pleasure  to  learn  you  have  arrived  at  Albany.  Lest  you 
should  be  induced  by  the  hopes  of  still  being  able  to  cross  the 
lakes  on  the  ice  to  leave  Albany,  I  send  this  by  express  to  advise 
you  of  the  impossibility.  Four  companies  are  now  lying  about 
forty  miles  north  of  Tieonderoga,  without  being  able  to  proceed, 
as  a  great  part  of  the  lake  is  open.  I  hope  a  few  more  warm  days 
and  high  southerly  winds  will  remove  the  obstacles. 

The  first  of  the  cannon  will  arrive  at  Fort  George  to-morrow, 
and  I  hope  the  whole  will  be  there  by  the  middle  of  next  week. 
Had  a  sufficient  number  of  carriages  been  procured  by  the  per 
sons  to  whose  charge  they  were  committed  at  New-York,  they 
would  have  been  at  Fort  George  on  Monday.  I  propose  doing 
myself  the  pleasure  to  see  you  on  Sunday,  or  Monday  at  farthest, 
by  which  time  I  hope  all  will  be  in  such  a  train  as  to  leave  me  to 
return  without  anxiety. 

I  am  sir, 
Your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

PH.  SCHUYLER." 
GENERAL  THOMAS." 

We  see  what  Mr.  Adams  had  so  recently  foretold,  that  Thomas 
might  rely  on  "  the  vast  service  Schuyler  would  render  in  procur 
ing  and  forwarding  supplies,  and  in  promoting  the  service  in  many 
other  ways.  The  promptness  with  which  the  above  letter  was 
written  and  forwarded  by  express,  in  the  night,  the  important  in- 


[25] 

formation  given,  and  his  determination  to  wait  upon  his  junior,  for 
the  purpose  of  giving  further  information,  and  congratulating  him 
on  his  new  and  high  command,  as  well  as  on  the  part  he  had 
recently  taken  in  driving  the  enemy  from  the  capital  of  New  Eng 
land,  must  have  been  highly  gratifying  to  General  Thomas,  and 
cheered  and  consoled  him  in  the  anticipated  roughness  of  his  new 
and  trying  situation. 

The  accurate  and  faithful  historian  Judge  Marshall,  will  be  fol 
lowed,  in  substance,  in  what  relates  to  every  thing  of  the  army  in 
Canada  and  General  Thomas,  until  his  death.  "  In  the  month  of 
April,  General  Wooster  arrived  at  Quebec,  at  which  time  Arnold's 
horse  fell  with  him,  and  injured  his  leg  which  had  been  wounded, 
and  confined  him  for  some  time.  Believing  himself  neglected,  he 
obtained  leave  of  absence,  and  took  command  at  Montreal. 

A  considerable  part  of  the  army  being  entitled  to  a  discharge  in 
April,  no  inducements  could  prevail  on  them  to  continue  longer  in 
so  severe  a  service.  This  deduction  of  General  Wooster's  force 
was  the  more  felt,  because  of  the  present  state  of  the  roads  ;  the 
lakes  and  the  St.  Lawrence,  impeded  for  a  time,  the  arrival  of 
reinforcements  destiped  for  his  aid. 

Among  the  first  who  reached  camp,  in  this  state  of  things,  was 
General  Thomas,  who  had  made  great  exertions  to  join  the  army. 
He  arrived  on  the  first  day  of  May,  and  found  his  whole  force  to 
consist  of  nineteen  hundred  men,  and  less  than  one  thousand, 
including  officers,  fit  for  duty.  Among  the  effectives  were  three 
hundred  entitled  to  a  discharge,  who  refused  to  do  duty.  The 
sick  were  generally  ill  of  the  small  pox,  in  the  hospital.  And  this 
force  was  necessarily  divided  so  as  to  occupy  different  posts  which 
had  been  deemed  necessary  to  maintain,  at  great  distances  from 
each  other,  and  on  different  sides  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  so  that  not 
more  than  three  hundred  men  could  be  brought  together  at  one 
point,  which  might  be  attacked  by  the  whole  force  of  the  enemy  ; 
and  only  one  hundred  and  fifty  barrels  of  powder  and  six  days 
provisions. 


26 

Amidst  these  unpromising  circumstances,  the  hope  of  taking 
Quebec,  appeared  to  General  Thomas  chimerical,  and  the  longer 
continuance  before  the  town  useless  and  dangerous.  The  first 
reinforcements  which  should  arrive  from  England,  would  deprive 
him  entirely  of  the  use  of  the  river,  and  embarrass  the  removal  of 
his  sick  and  military  stores.  No  existing  object  remained  to  jus 
tify  the  hazard.  Under  these  impressions,  General  Thomas  called 
a  council  of  war  on  the  5th  of  May,  in  which  it  was  determined, 
that  they  were  not  in  a  condition  to  risk  an  assault,  and  that  the 
sick  should  be  removed  to  the  Three  Rivers,  and  the  artillery  and 
other  stores  embarked  in  boats,  in  order  to  move  with  the  army 
higher  up  the  river  to  a  more  defensible  position. 

On  the  evening  of  the  same  day,  certain  intelligence  was 
received  that  a  British  fleet  was  below,  and  the  next  morning  five 
ships,  which  had  with  much  labor  and  danger  made  their  way  up 
the  river  through  the  ice,  before  it  was  deemed  practicable,  ap 
peared  in  sight.  They  soon  entered  the  harbor,  and  landed  some 
men,  whilst  the  Americans  were  assiduously  employed  in  the  em 
barkation  of  their  sick  and  stores,  an  operation  carried  on  the 
more  slowly,  because  the  first  appearance  of  the  ships  in  the  river 
deprived  them  of  the  aid  expected  from  the  teams  and  carriages  of 
the  Canadians. 

At  about  one  o'clock  Carlton  made  a  sortie  at  the  head  of  one 
thousand  men,  formed  into  two  divisions,  and  supported  by  six 
field  pieces.  No  entrenchments  had  been  thrown  up  for  the  sup 
port  of  the  camp,  and  not  more  than  three  hundred  men  with  one 
field  piece,  could  be  brought  into  action.  Thus  circumstanced, 
victory  was  scarcely  possible,  and  could  have  produced  no  impor 
tant  effect,  as  the  enemy  would  immediately  retire  under  the 
cannon  of  the  town ;  while  defeat  would  certainly  annihilate  this 
little  army.  General  Thomas  therefore  with  the  advice  of  the 
field  officers  about  him  determined  not  to  risk  an  action,  and  ordered 
his  troops  to  retreat  up  the  river.  This  was  done  with  much  pre 
cipitation,  and  many  of  the  sick  with  all  the  military  stores,  fell  into 
the  hands  of  the  enemy. 


[  27  ] 

Unfortunately,  to  their  quantity  were  added  two  tons  of  powder 
just  sent  down  by  General  Schuyler,  and  five  hundred  stand  of 
small  arms.  The  army  continued  its  retreat  to  De  Chambeau, 
where  on  the  seventh,  another  council  of  war  was  called,  in  which  it 
was  agreed  they  should  retire  to  the  mouth  of  the  Sorel.  In  pur 
suance  of  this  advice,  the  remaining  sick  were  moved  up  the  river; 
but  General  Thomas  was  determined  to  continue  in  his  present 
position  some  time  longer,  by  the  information  that  large  reinforce 
ments  were  now  passing  the  lakes,  and  might  daily  be  expected ; 
but  those  reinforcements  not  arriving  as  his  intelligence  induced 
him  to  hope,  and  the  enemy  advancing  in  force,  he  was  obliged  to 
retreat  to  the  Sorel,  where  he  was  seized  with  the  small -pox,  of 
which  he  died. 

The  Americans  in  general  were  by  no  means  satisfied  with  the 
conduct  of  this  gentleman.  To  him,  in  some  measure,  they  attrib 
uted  the  disasters  which  ruined  their  affairs  in  Canada  :  but  this 
censure  was  unjust ;  he  took  command  of  the  army  when  it  was 
too  weak  to  maintain  its  ground  ;  and  when  the  time  for  saving  the 
sick  and  military-stores  had  passed  away.  The  seige  of  Quebec 
instead  of  being  persevered  in  longer,  ought  certainly  to  have  been 
abandoned  at  an  earlier  period. 

This  was  the  real  fault  of  those  who  commanded  at  this  station. 
It  is  to  be  ascribed  to  the  reluctance  always  felt  by  inexperienced 
officers  to  disappoint  the  public  expectation,  by  relinquishing  an 
enterprise  concerning  which  sanguine  hopes  have  been  entertained, 
even  after  every  reasonable  prospect  of  success  had  vanished ;  and 
to  encounter  the  obloquy  of  giving  up  a  post,  although  it  can  no 
longer  with  prudence  be  defended." 

In  April,  when  the  troops  left  General  "Wooster,  on  the  expira 
tion  of  their  enlistment,  it  seems  surprising  that  he  did  not  immed 
iately  secure  his  sick  and  stores  by  a  retreat  up  the  river,  take  a 
strong  position,  and  await  the  arrival  of  General  Thomas.  An 
unwillingness  to  disappoint  public  expectation,  and  the  fear  of 
meeting  their  temporary  displeasure,  seems  to  have  been  the  only 
reason,  as  Judge  Marshall  conjectures. 


[28] 

On  the  death  of  General  Thomas  the  command  devolved  upon 
General  Thompson  ;  but  soon  after  Gen.  Sullivan  arrived  in  the 
American  camp,  with  reinforcements  which  increased  the  army  to 
four  or  five  thousand,  and  assumed  the  command.  From  this  time 
retreat,  defeat  and  misfortune  followed  the  army  in  quick  succes 
sion.  After  destroying  some  armed  vessels  on  the  Sorel  and 
St.  Lawrence,  and  burning  the  fortifications  at  Chamblee  and  St. 
Johns,  he  left  Canada,  and  by  order  of  General  Schuyler  took  post  at 
Crown  Point,  and  was  there  superseded  by  General  Gates.  Thus 
terminated  the  enterprise  against  Canada  ;  it  was  bold  and  at  one 
period  promised  success. 

Had  a  few  incidents  turned  out  fortunately  ;  had  Arnold  been 
able  to  reach  Quebec  a  few  days  sooner ;  or  to  have  crossed  the 
St.  Lawrence  on  his  first  arrival,  or  had  the  gallant  Montgomery 
not  fallen  on  the  31st  of  December,  it  is  probable  the  expedition 
would  have  been  crowned  with  success.  But  as  it  would  have 
required  ten  thousand  troops  to  have  retained  possession  of  it,  the 
expedition  must  be  now  viewed,  as  partaking  more  of  the  romantic 
than  the  useful.  As  it  resulted  it  was  unfortunate  in  every  aspect 
in  which  it  can  be  viewed.  The  loss  of  men  by  sickness  and  bat 
tle  was  great,  as  well  as  the  munitions  of  war  ;  to  which  may  be 
added  the  loss  of  the  two  best  generals  Congress  sent  into  the 
field.  Green  was  then  unknown  to  fame. 

On  the  8th  of  May  General  Thomas  wrote  to  Washington,  com 
municating  the  intelligence  of  his  having  raised  the  seige  of  Que 
bec,  and  commenced  his  retreat.  On  the  24th  of  the  same  month 
Washington  replied,  "  I  received  your  favor  of  the  8th  instant  with 
its  enclosures,  confirming  the  melancholy  intelligence  I  had  before 
heard,  of  your  having  been  obliged  to  raise  the  seige  of  Quebec, 
and  to  make  a  precipitate  retreat  with  the  loss  of  the  cannon  in  the 
batteaux,  and  interception  of  the  powder  going  from  General 
Schuyler. 

This  unfortunate  affair  has  given  a  sad  shock  to  our  schemes  in 
that  quarter,  and  blasted  the  hope  we  entertained  of  reducing  that 


[29] 

fortress  and  the  whole  of  Canada  to  our  possession.  From  your 
representation,  things  must  have  been  found  in  great  confusion 
and  disorder,  and  such  as  to  have  made  a  retreat  almost  inevitable  ; 
but  nevertheless,  it  is  hoped  you  will  be  able  to  make  a  good 
stand  yet,  arid  by  that  means  secure  a  good  part  or  all  the  upper 
part  of  the  country.  That  being  a  matter  of  the  utmost  importance 
in  the  present  contest,  it  is  my  wish  and  that  of  Congress,  that  you 
take  an  advantageous  post  as  far  down  the  river  as  possible,  so  as 
not  to  preclude  you  from  a  retreat,  if  it  should  be  necessary,  nor 
from  getting  proper  supplies  of  provision.  The  lower  down  you 
can  maintain  a  stand,  the  more  advantageous  will  it  be,  as  all  the 
country  will  most  probably  take  part  with  us,  from  which  we  may 
draw  some  assistance  and  support,  considering  all  below  as  entire 
ly  within  the  power  of  the  enemy,  and  of  course  in  their  favor. 
This  misfortune  must  be  repaired,  if  possible,  by  our  more  vigo 
rous  exertions  ;  and  I  trust  that  nothing  will  be  wanting  on  your 
part  or  in  your  power  to  advance  our  country's  cause."  This  was 
the  last  communication  ever  directed  to  General  Thomas  by  his 
beloved  Commander  or  Congress,  and  it  is  doubtful  if  this  was 
ever  received  by  him.  It  admits  the  retreat  from  before  Quebec 
to  have  been  inevitable,  but  at  the  same  time  must  have  renewed 
in  Thomas'  mind  what  he  knew  before,  the  great  mortification 
such  a  step  occasioned  in  the  minds  of  Congress  and  his  country 
men.  This  information,  from  such  a  quarter,  must  have  been 
keenly  felt  by  a  mind  like  his,  and  at  the  same  time,  utterly  beyond 
his  power  to  apply  an  effectual  remedy.  With  all  the  wisdom  and 
firmness  of  Congress  during  our  whole  contest  for  independence, 
there  seemed  to  be  a  delusion  in  their  determination  to  take  and 
keep  possession  of  Canada.  And  Thomas  must  have  felt  that 
retreat, -however  inevitable,  would  be  viewed  by  them  as  disgrace. 
On  the  2d  of  June,  at  Chamblee,  on  the  river  Sorel,  while 
anxiously  awaiting  the  expected  reinforcements,  he  died  of  the 
small-pox,  aged  fifty-two  years.  The  disease  was  so  malignant 
that  he  was  entirely  blind  some-  days  before  his  death.  And  what 


[30] 

is  remarkable,  he  had  in  the  course  of  his  professional  life,  been 
familiar  with  the  disorder,  and  uncommonly  skillful  in  its  treat 
ment,  and  yet  had  never  taken  it  either  by  innoculation  or  other 
wise.  He  attained  an  enviable  eminence  in  his  profession  in  the 
section  of  the  country  of  his  residence. 

In  his  person  he  was  six  feet  high,  erect  and  well-proportioned, 
so  that  his  appearance  was  commanding.  In  his  manners,  affable, 
gentlemanly  and  of  unaffected  sincerity.  He  never  lessened  his 
character  or  martial  fame  by  arrogance  or  ostentation.  Granting 
to  all  the  applause  due  to  their  merit,  he  enjoyed  that  due  to  him- 
•  self  with  universal  assent.  As  a  disciplinarian  he  was  correct,  as 
the  whole  army  bore  witness.  Among  a  b^dy  of  undisciplined 
countrymen,  assembled  at  the  seige  of  Boston,  he  was  the  first  to 
introduce  order  and  regularity  without  severity.  He  married 
Hannah  Thomas,  of  Plymouth,  a  woman  distinguished  for  intelli 
gence  and  accomplishments. 

At  the  time  of  his  marriage  he  was  rather  advanced  in  life. 
He  left  a  wife,  daughter  and  two  sons,  both  the  latter  still  sur 
vive  ;  one  of  them  was  with  him  at  Dorchester  Heights.  His  wife 
lived  to  an  advanced  age,  and  died  in  1819,  universally  respected- 
It  does  not  appear,  after  he  was  advanced  to  high  command, 
either  in  the  French  or  revolutionary  wars,  any  opportunity  was 
afforded  him  of  being  engaged  in  close  action  with  the  enemies  of 
his  country.  But  by  the  testimony  of  officers  with  him  in  both 
wars,  he  was  cool  and  self-possessed  in  every  emergency.  And 
when  action  was  fully  expected  as  at  Dorchester  Heights,  his  cool 
ness  and  self-possession  inspired  his  troops  with  confidence,  ardor 
and  zeal  for  action,  which  Washington  said  he  never  saw  surpass 
ed.  His  perfect  collection  and  soundness  of  mind  to  the  end  of  his 
last  sickness,  was  noticed  by  all  his  attendants,  as  has  often  been 
remarked  by  the  late  Hon.  Joshua  Thomas,  of  Plymouth,  then  one 
of  his  aidd,  and  long  after  distinguished  as  an  able  and  upright 
judge. 

But  further  particulars,  of  his.  character  are  unnecessary,  when 


[31   ] 

it  is  recollected  that  he  received  particular  marks  of  favor  and 
confidence  from  two  of  the  first  Generals  of  the  age,  Sir  Jeffry 
Amherst  and  George  Washington. 

This  imperfect  sketch  is  not  only  due  to  the  memory  of  General 
Thomas  on  his  own  account,  and  the  character  of  his  respectable 
ancestors  and  descendants,  but  to  the  whole  of  the  Union,  and 
especially  to  the  old  colony  of  Plymouth,  his  native  place.  No 
section  of  New  England  was  more  distinguished  for  intelligence, 
patriotism  and  unanimity  in  the  cause  of  self-government  in  church 
and  state,  and  for  its  able  defenders  in  the  cabinet  and  field,  as  the 
Cushing's,  Otis',  Payne's,  and  Warren's  in  the  councils  of  the 
nation,  and  the  Thomas'  and  Lincoln's  in  the  field,  bear  witness- 
Noth withstanding  the  loss  of  Thomas,  the  old  colony  preserved  its 
standing,  for  his  mantle  fell  and  rested  upon  the  brave  and  virtuous 
Lincoln. 

They  were  personally  and  intimately  acquainted,  as  appears 
from  business  transactions  between  them  a  few  days  before  the 
former  left  Cambridge  for  Canada,  his  last  field.  They  were  simi 
lar  in  manners  and  character,  and  attained  an  equal  standing  in  the 
estimation  of  their  countrymen.  Lincoln's  military  career  was 
longer  and  more  variant ;  but  when  vanquished  and  compelled  to 
surrender  an  army  and  city,  so  well  established  was  his  spotless 
reputation  that  he  continued  to  enjoy  the  undiminished  respect 
and  confidence  of  Congress,  the  army  and  the  commander-in-chief, 
as  fully  as  when  he  received  the  surrender  of  a  well  appointed 
British  army  at  Yorktown.  The  offices  he  held  in  civil  life,  were, 
Secretary  of  War,  uuder  the  Continental  Congress,  Lieutenant 
Governor  of  Massachusetts,  when  Hancock  was  chief,  and  Collec 
tor  of  Boston,  from  Washington,  which  he  resigned  under  the 
fourth  President  of  the  United  States.  The  income  of  the  last 
office  enabled  him  to  re-purchase  that  part^of  his  patrimony  which 
he  had  been  compelled  to  sell  for  the  support  of  his  family. 

But  the  last  and  highest  office  he  ever  held  was  that  of  Deacon 
in  the  church  of  his  divine  Master,  the  pastor  of  which  was  the 


I   32] 

learned  and  pious  Dr.  Shute.  This  office  he  held,  till  his  death,  in 
the  same  church,  formed  on  primitive,  apostolic,  Congregational 
principles,  in  which  the  Elder  or  Teacher  was  considered  and 
treated,  only  as  first  among  equals.  General  Lincoln  was  elected 
to  this  office  by  the  brethren  of  the  church,  for  his  good  report  and 
wisdom,  and  his  humility  enabled  him  to  perform  all  the  duties  of 
the  office  to  the  acceptance  of  the  brethren,  and  doubtless  to  that  of 
his  Divine  Master.  He  would  not  have  received  this  office  from 
any  source  less  pure.  He  and  his  departed  friend  had  hazarded 
their  lives  in  defence  of  this  principle  in  the  church,  as  fully  as  for 
the  right  and  ability  of  the  people  to  govern  themselvs  in  civil 
affairs.  They  had  no  reverence  for  the  assumed  power  of  kings 
or  prelates.  "  Church  and  State  !  what  calamities  has  not  their 
union  brought  on  earth  1  It  has  proved  the  greatest  misfortune  to 
both,  followed  by  woes,  crimes,  cruelties  and  bloodshed.  It  has 
made  the  ministers  of  the  former,  hirelings  and  courtiers.  It  has 
not  been  the  chaste  bride  of  Christ,  but  the  prostitute  of  the  world. 
Its  legitimate  position  is  one  of  conflict  with  the  world  ;  till  that 
shall  be  brought  under  subjection,  and  the  spirit  and  principles  of 
Christianity  are  completely  triumphant.  Christianity,  in  this  union, 
is  made  to  dance  attendance  on  kings,  to  subserve  their  designs 
against  the  rights,  welfare  and  dignity  of  man.  The  church  and 
the  world  met  together  and  kissed  each  other.  In  that  kiss  was 
poison  and  death.  She  that  was  to  lead  captivity  captive,  is  her 
self  a  captive ;  she  has  accepted  terms,  thrown  down  her  arms, 
and  hushed  her  voice  of  censure  and  denunciation.  She  speaks 
only  in  silken  tones.  When  she  ascended  the  throne  of  the 
Caesars,  she  deserted  her  own.  "When  a  temporal  sceptre  was 
placed  in  her  hand,  she  let  fall  that  in  which  resided  a  portion  of 
omnipotence. 

\Vhat  propriety  is  tfiere  in  this  union "?  Has  not  the  church 
within  itself  all  the  resources  requisite  to  fulfil  its  mission  ?  Why 
look  for  human  aid,  as  though  there  was  cause  to  fear  for  its  secu 
rity  ?  It  is  built  on  the  rock  of  ages  ;  what  need  then  of  the  sandy 


[33] 

foundations  of  earth  1  Are  not  their  proper  spheres  different  1 
One  is  instituted  to  protect  man's  temporal  interests,  the  other  to 
promote  his  spiritual  welfare  ;  one  to  suppress  crime,  the  other  to 
subdue  passion  and  purify  the  heart ;  one  deals  with  external 
acts,  the  other  with  inward  feelings  and  emotions.  The  ends 
therefore  proposed  to  be  effected  by  each  being  so  diverse,  there 
seems  as  much  impropriety  in  their  union,  as  there  certainly  has 
been  evil  and  misfortune  proceeding  from  it. 

This  union  has  filled  the  world  with  infidels  and  scorners,  asso 
ciated  the  Saviour  with  the  .scourgers  of  mankind,  and  excited 
against  his  religion  the  hatred  of  millions !"  Such  patriots  as 
Thomas  and  Lincoln,  contended  only  against  tyranny  of  the  State, 
for  they  had  been  educated  in  the  principles  of  religious  freedom, 
and  no  part  of  the  United  States  has  preserved  the  simplicity  of 
church  government,  together  with  the  right  of  private  judgment 
in  religious  concerns,  and  the  sufficiency  of  the  scriptures  in  every 
thing  connected  with  religion,  than  the  people  of  the  old  colony  of 
Plymouth.  They  believe  that  congragationalism  in  church  govern 
ment,  and  republicanism  in  civil  government,  are  in  perfect  har 
mony,  and  consistent  with  each  other.  How  then  must  these  good 
men,  long  since  ascended,  have  been  moved,  to  have  known  that 
the  declaration  had  been  publicly  made,  in  presence  of  their  des- 
cendents,  and  by  a  prelate,  "  That  there  could  not  be  a  church 
without  a  bishop,"  and  that  bishop  to  prove  his  regular  descent 
from  papal  Rome.  To  return  from  this  seeming  digression,  and 
to  close — it  is  not  only  safe  to  imitate  such  men  as  Thomas,  and 
Lincoln,  but  praiseworthy  tQ  emulate-  their  virtues  and  patriotism. 


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